About Liberia

Early History
Liberia was founded in 1822 as an outpost for returning freed slaves from the Americas.
It grew into a colony and eventually became a commonwealth, and achieved
independence in 1847 with the help of the American Colonization Society (a private
organization based in the United States). Descendants of the freed slaves, generally
known as Americo-Liberians, remained in social and political control of the country until
1980.
The unequal distribution of power and wealth resulting from Liberia’s social structure is
largely at the center of the recent conflicts:
In 1923, Abayomi Karnga, a scholar and politicia n of recaptive
parentage, noted that the status divisions among the Liberians
eventually evolved into a hierarchical caste system with four
distinct orders. At the top were the Americo- Liberian officials,
consisting largely of light-complexioned people of mixed Black
and White ancestry [also known as “Mulattos”]. They were
followed by darker skinned Americo- Liberians, consisting mostly
of laborers and small farmers. Then came the recaptives [also
known as “Congos”1], the Africans who had been rescued by the
U.S. Navy while aboard U.S.-bound slave ships and brought to
Liberia. At the bottom of the hierarchy were the indigenous
African Liberians.2
As time passed, the separation between the Mulattos and other freed slaves became less
pronounced, and all became known as “Congos” or “Americo-Liberians.” This group of
individuals, comprising less than 3 percent of the population, maintained economic,
social, and political control of the country until a coup d’etat in 1980.
1980: End of Americo-Liberian rule
Liberia began to change during the 1970s. In 1971, William Tubman, Liberia’s president
of 27 years, died while in office. Tubman’s “Open Door” economic policy brought a
great deal of foreign investment at heavy price, as the divide widened between the
prospering Americo-Liberians (benefiting from such investment) and the rest of the
population. Following Tubman’s death, his long-serving vice president, William Tolbert,
assumed the presidency. Because Tolbert was a member of one the most influential and
affluent Americo-Liberian families, everything from cabinet appointments to economic
policy was tainted with allegations of nepotism.
1 Because many the “recaptives” were originally from the Congo River region of Africa, they were called
“Congos.” For much of Liberia’s early history, the Congos were classed below the Americo-Liberians.
However, over the years the two groups joined and the terms “Americo-Liberian” and “Congo” were used
interchangeably.
2 Robin Dunn-Marcos et al., “Liberians: An Introduction to Their History Culture,” Culture Profile No. 19,
The Center for Applied Linguistics, April 2005.
However, Tolbert was also the first president to speak an indigenous language, and he
promoted a program to bring more indigenous persons into the government.
Unfortunately, this initiative lacked support within Tolbert’s own administration, and
while the majority felt the change was occurring too slowly, many Americo-Liberians felt
it was too rapid. In April 1979, a proposal to raise the price of rice (which the Tolbert
administration subsidized) met with violent opposition. The government claimed that the
price increase was meant to promote more local farming, slow the rate of urban
migration, and reduce dependence on imported rice. However, opposition leaders also
pointed out that the Tolbert family controlled the rice monopoly in Liberia and therefore
stood to prosper. The ensuing “rice riots” severely damaged Tolbert’s credibility and
increased the administration’s vulnerability. In April 1980, Army Master Sergeant
Samuel Doe, an ethnic Krahn, led a coup d’etat that resulted in Tolbert’s murder and the
public execution of 13 of his cabinet members. Among the many Liberians that fled the
country was then–Minister of Finance, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf.
1980–1984: The People’s Redemption Council
After the coup, the People’s Redemption Council (PRC), headed by Doe, assumed power
and suspended the Constitution. Doe lacked formal education; by many accounts he was
illiterate at the time he took over the presidency. He also had no political or leadership
experience. After only one year, Doe—concerned that his leadership was being
threatened from within the PRC—executed his vice dead of state and comrade in the  1980 coup, Thomas Weh-Syen, along with four other PRC members, claiming they had
plotted against him. From this point on, Doe appeared increasingly paranoid regarding threats to his leadership and, as a result, his government became dominated by members
of his own Krahn ethnic group. Much of the population that initially supported the
transition from Americo-Liberian rule became increasingly disenfranchised as the
government returned to monopolized control. In November 1983, three of Doe’s influential colleagues in the PRC left Liberia: Thomas Quiwonkpa (Commanding General of the Armed forced of Liberia), Charles Taylor (Head of the General Service Agency), and Prince Yormie Johnson (aide to Quiwonkpa). All would eventually challenge Doe for control of the country.
Facing increasing pressure from international organizations and donors, Doe lifted the ban on political parties and called for elections in 1985.
1985–1989: The National Democratic Party of Liberia
The Liberian elections of October 1985 were problematic. Few international (or local)
observers felt they were conducted fairly. However, the United States endorsed the results (although the current U.S. State Department position is that the elections were
characterized by “by widespread fraud”). In the end, Samuel Doe was named victor over
his closest opponent, Jackson F. Doe. However, many believed, and still maintain, that  Jackson F. Doe won the election.
The following month, Samuel Doe’s former second-in-command, Thomas Quiwonkpa,
entered Liberia through Sierra Leone and attempted to topple Doe through another coup.
Quiwonkpa failed, and his body was dragged through the streets of Monrovia. Doe’s Krahn-dominated government retaliated against the ethnic groups in Quiwonkpa’s native
Nimba County, causing widespread loss of life within the Gio and Mano communities.
Even though elections were scheduled to take place in 1991, the growing abuse within
Nimba County provided a fertile opportunity for Charles Taylor (related to Quiwonkpa
by marriage) and Prince Johnson (an ethnic Gio) to begin planning to overthrow Doe. 1989–1996: Civil War
On December 24, 1989, Charles Taylor and a small group of Libyan-trained rebels entered Nimba County from neighboring Côte d’Ivoire. This group, the National Patriotic
Front of Liberia (NPFL), initially encountered plenty of support within Nimba County, which endured the majority of Samuel Doe’s wrath after the 1985 attempted coup. The
Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL) launched counterattacks against Taylor’s forces. The
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) peacekeeping force, ECOMOG, entered the conflict under the premise of a cease-fire and peace deal, albeit
without the NPFL. The NPFL continued to make gains on the capital, Monrovia, and
widespread atrocities were reported in Krahn and Mandingo areas. The Mandingoes were
still largely victims of the NPFL onslaughts until 1991, when they, along with exiled
Krahn, organized the United Liberation Movement for Democracy in Liberia (ULIMO).
While reports vary, it appears that Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf was affiliated with Charles Taylor’s movement.
In July 1990, Prince Johnson split from Taylor and formed the Independent National
Patriotic Front (INPFL). The INPFL and NPFL continued their siege on Monrovia, which
the AFL defended. In September 1990, Doe visited the ECOMOG headquarters in
Monrovia, where officials urged him to accept exile outside of Liberia. At the time, ECOMOG was barely established in the Free Port of Monrovia. At the port, Doe was captured and taken to the INPFL’s Caldwell base. The circumstances that led to Doe’s visit to the Free Port are still unclear; however, after Doe arrived, Prince Johnson’s INPFL attacked the headquarters and captured, tortured, and killed him. Johnson’s
INPFL and Taylor’s NPFL continued to struggle for control of Monrovia in the months that followed.
In November 1990, ECOWAS negotiated a settlement and established the Interim Government of National Unity (IGNU), led by Dr. Amos Sawyer, a former dean of
political science at the University of Liberia. However, Charles Taylor did not recognize
the IGNU, and the fighting continued. The Krahn and Mandingo groups, often targets of the NPFL, formed ULIMO in 1991. In 1994 ULIMO split into two factions, ULIMO-J
(mostly Krahn, led by Roosevelt Johnson) and ULIMO-K (mostly Mandingo, led by
Alhaji Kromah). By 1995, Liberia’s civil war had grown to include the following seven major factions: 
· NPFL
· NPFL Central Revolutionary
Council (NPFL-CRC)
· Lofa Defense Force (LDF)
· ULIMO-K
· ULIMO-J
· Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL)
· Liberian Peace Council (LPC)
In September 1995, in accordance with the Abuja Peace Accords, the seven factions joined to form the Liberian Council of State. Despite this agreement, fighting continued
and 1996 saw some of the war’s deadliest battles. However, in accordance with the timetable laid out in a supplement to the accords (the “Abuja Supplement”), elections
were conducted in July 1997 and Charles Taylor was declared winner, garnering nearly 75 percent of the vote. Some have speculated that Taylor won because many citizens believed that electing him was the only way to end the war.
1997–2003: Civil War
Peace in Liberia, if it ever really existed, was short-lived. By the late 1990s, it was clear from reports that Taylor was supporting the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) in the civil war in neighboring Sierra Leone. As a result, the UN imposed sanctions on the Liberian government, includes the following:
· An arms-importation ban
· A ban on foreign travel by high-ranking members of the government and their
immediate families
· A ban on trading “blood diamonds”
At the same time, there was a growing opposition movement to Taylor’s government
within Liberia, based largely in northern Lofa County. This opposition group, Liberians  United for Reconciliation and Democracy (LURD), headed by Sekou Conneh (a
businessman married to the daughter of Guinean President Lansana Conté), began to engage in sporadic fighting with the AFL in 1999. By 2000, it was believed that LURD
controlled nearly 80 percent of the countryside. Fighting between the government forces and LURD continued through 2002, but Taylor maintained control of Monrovia. Throughout the fighting both the AFL and LURD were accused of widespread human
rights violations against innocent civilians, as well as child soldier recruitment. In 2003, an offshoot of LURD, the Movement for Democracy in Liberia (MODEL), was formed
in Côte d’Ivoire. MODEL was reported to have support in the southeastern counties of Grand Gedeh, Sinoe, and Grand Kru. With fighting intensifying, Charles Taylor agreed to
participate in an ECOWAS-sponsored peace summit in Ghana.